Poland and the European Union (Routledge Studies of Societies in Transition, 15)

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Tandon, ed.

Martin Mendelski

New Delhi: B. Mediterranean Quarterly, Vol. In Vojtech Mastny and Craig Nation, eds. Leiden: Brill, Journal of Economic Issues. Este Pais Diciembre In Stephen Haggard and Steve B.

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Webb, eds. No: December Studies in Comparative International Development, Vol. In Mehmet Odekon and Tevfik Nas, eds. Translated into Korean.

Also reprinted in Timothy Niblock and Rodney J. Wilson, eds. Journal of Economics and Administrative Studies, Vol. Asian Politics and Western Perceptions. Session Chair of the Russian Resurgence panel.

Europe's transition to a green energy future

Istanbul June International Studies Association, Annual Convention. Co-organizer with B.

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Members of the Pool of European Youth Researchers

Istanbul, Turkey October A November December October May Annual Conference of the U. Development Studies Association, Dublin September Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Manchester The interface between globalization and democracy. The patterns and paradoxes of democratization and democratic politics in emerging societies.

Entrepreneurs and democracy. Political economy and identity politics.

Islamism and democracy. International context of democratization, human rights issues and the relationship between Europe and its periphery with a specific focus on Turkey- Greek-EU relations. Globalization, the nation state and financial crises in the semi-periphery. Transformation of the state and the politics of regulatory reform. The political economy of Turkey from a comparative perspective: the interplay of domestic politics and global norms.

A and Ph. Remember me on this computer. There are indeed two Polands, as there are two Hungaries.

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How can we account for the democratic backsliding and the antiliberal turn in Central Europe? What importance should we accord to the influence of the legacies left behind by communism or other forms of political culture unfavorable to liberalism? Since the revolutions of , two troubling questions have haunted the transition. The first has to do with the cultural underpinings of politics, and the second with the relationship between democracy and the market. It had proved to be more vulnerable to the communist project after the war; but might not this tradition furnish a political culture favorable to the post democratic transition?

The answers, twenty years later, can be summed up as follows: The fears about Hungary and Poland—countries where the post transition to democracy had given way to authoritarian tendencies—were exaggerated, and after they became liberal democracies. The second question had to do with the compatibility of simultaneous transitions toward democracy and the market economy.

Considering the dilapidated state of socialist economies, the issue was how to build democracies atop an economic disaster. The first reason for this outcome was the convergence, during the period leading up to , of the democratic aspiration with liberalism. By the same token, the current backsliding and the rise of populism can be traced, in great part, to the decoupling of liberalism from democracy. The years after saw a profound transformation of the intellectual and political landscape.

With the dissident and human-rights movements came a rediscovery of the ideas of civil society and the primary importance of the rule of law. He does not want to be managed; he wants to be represented. During the first stage of this rediscovery of liberalism, there was a deep reshaping of the intellectual landscape and of the lines of cleavage in the Polish, Czech, and Hungarian political cultures.

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Michnik carried forward the work with two essays that appeared almost simultaneously. Even after Solidarity was crushed in December , this political reorientation would prove favorable to liberalism. In Czechoslovakia, the Charter 77 movement represented a cohabitation rather than a convergence between intellectual and political currents that had been opposed to each other in , but were brought back together by their joint refusal to accept defeat in the wake of The other theme of convergence had to do with the rule of law.

This approach then found its counterpart among the reformers inside the system who envisaged the separation of the Hungarian Communist Party from the state. Together, these represent nothing less than the disintegration of an authoritarian and bureaucratic system and the transition toward a pluralist and democratic system. At the same time, the decomposition of the socialist economy and the failure of efforts to reform it encouraged the rediscovery of economic liberalism. Especially in Poland and Hungary, but also in Czechoslovakia, liberal economic thought was able to set itself up as an alternative to failed statism.

The proper role of the state also became a point of convergence between liberal politicians coming out of the dissident movement and liberal economists coming out of think tanks. For the former, the question was how to safeguard human rights and to emancipate society, culture, and then the political realm from the grip of the party-state.

For the latter, the question was how to free the market economy from its bonds. How to explain the antiliberal turn of recent years? In assembling the elements of a response, let us begin with a quick stock-taking. First, we must note the political eclipse of the first bearers of political liberalism in Central Europe, the former dissidents. In , they were propelled to the forefront of the political scene by grand unified movements, but everywhere they failed in the next phase of institutionalizing pluralism—the creation of viable political parties.

Havel became president, but he was the tree who hid the forest; his allies in the Civic Movement failed to enter Parliament in the elections. The liberal economists had replaced the former dissidents. Created by promising young people you had to be under 35 who were adepts of political, economic, and social liberalism, the party pitched its appeals to the educated urban middle classes. And the ethos of Solidarity, upon which the alliance of intellectuals with workers had been based for more than a decade, fell apart. In other words, and this has a more general bearing on Central Europe, the current decoupling of democracy and liberalism has a good deal to do with the confusion or the collusion of political liberalism with economic liberalism.

The second journey of an exliberal is revelatory of another dimension of the question concerning society and culture. Balicki, W. Barisitz, S. Bartel, A. Barth, J. Bennett, J. Blanchard, O. Blinder, A. Borner, S. Bosi, S. Brainard, W. Braudel, F. Brender, A. Bryant, R. Buffett, W.

Buiter, W. Cai, K. Calomiris, C. Camdessus, M. Campos, N. Capie, F. Castles, F. Catte, P. Claessens, S. Cline, W. Corsetti, G.

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